[Grovenet] Text of President's Speech
Ron D'Eau Claire
rondec at easystreet.com
Fri Jan 12 10:20:44 PST 2007
As usual, you ask an excellent question Ed. And a terrible question. It's
one I've thought about a great deal as I watched our national orgy of
patriotism over the Iraq war turn into a nation orgy of denial and disgust.
The American people voted for as many deaths as we think was necessary when
we invaded Iraq. War is about wounding people and destroying facilities.
Since the facilities to be destroyed are often occupied and since wounding
soldiers is not an exact science, people die. Often innocent civilians as
well as combatants.
It's what we glorify every time we sing our national anthem. Those "bombs
bursting in air" are engines of death that we note express a national
willingness to kill as we see fit.
A civilized nation and a civilized world would not resort to death and
violence. Many nations and their people recognize that and are striving to
find a better way to provide for our mutual security. However, it's clear
that America is not leading that effort. It seems that we barely tolerate
it. If one looks at our cries of horror at the idea that any international
body might have control over our choices to prevent aggression, it seems
clear that America promotes war over peace. We suffer boot-shaking fright
over any suggestion that we might not be able to attack anyone we choose
whenever we choose. America has demonstrated that we will kill any millions
we feel needed to ensure not just our safety but also our prosperity and
comfort.
We knew Iraq was an armed camp, kept at peace by the credible threat of
death from Saddam's government for anyone who disturbed that peace. We know
that when one rules by the gun, one faces guns in the hand of opponents.
Iraq was a country filled with thugs ready to depose Saddam if they had the
chance. The bulk of the people of Iraq lived in security only by the
credible threat posed by Saddam against anyone who would threaten that
security. We went into Iraq and disarmed Saddam and his government and
allowed the thugs to run free. We left Iraq's borders open to all the thugs
in the Middle East who wanted to come rape and rob its resources and its
people. We kept as few soldiers as possible in harm's way and allowed the
thugs to kill and destroy rather than risk American lives.
The President admits that he and his planners did not understand the
situation in Iraq when we invaded. The President says we are responsible for
stopping the killing and destruction to bring security to the surviving
innocent Iraqis. We need to put soldiers in front of those civilians in
sufficient numbers to protect them. It may take decades. It will require
billions if not trillions of our dollars, but it's the least we owe the
Iraqi people for what we've done to them and their country.
Or does America want to run away and pretend we didn't do anything so
terribly wrong as destroy a society and the lives and futures of millions of
people?
Ron D'Eau Claire
-----Original Message-----
From: grovenet-bounces at rdrop.com [mailto:grovenet-bounces at rdrop.com] On
Behalf Of Ed Davie
Sent: Thursday, January 11, 2007 9:03 PM
To: Forest Grove local interests list
Subject: Re: [Grovenet] Text of President's Speech
Sort of depends on how many more deaths you are
willing to accept, doesn't it!
Ed
----- Original Message -----
From: Ron D'Eau Claire
To: 'Forest Grove local interests list'
Sent: Thursday, January 11, 2007 8:48 PM
Subject: Re: [Grovenet] Text of President's
Speech
Thank you Katie.
Whether or not the President was expressing the
"will of the people" when he
invaded Iraq is no longer the issue. The fact is
he did, acting as the Chief
Executive of our country and with the consent of
our elected Congress.
Now the question is whether we live up to our
responsibilities as a world
leader and as a nation who caused the current
situation in Iraq to occur in
our solemn belief that the U.N. was not able or
willing to do the "right
thing" (i.e. invade Iraq), or whether we will
cut an run like irresponsible
children crying, "Oh! That's HARD! Americans
don't do things that are Hard!
We only want to do EASY things!!!"
This is the moment for America to define who she
is among the nations of the
world.
The world is awaiting our decision.
And, Oh, Welcome to Keith. Please understand
that I ALWAYS respond in
measured, moderate tones. I never advocate a
position that is controversial
or difficult <G>.
I do believe what I say, and I listen carefully
to those who disagree.
Ron D'Eau Claire
-----Original Message-----
From: grovenet-bounces at rdrop.com
[mailto:grovenet-bounces at rdrop.com] On
Behalf Of allnutt
Sent: Thursday, January 11, 2007 9:18 AM
To: Forest Grove local interests list
Subject: [Grovenet] Text of President's Speech
For those who missed last night's speech, here
is the text:
THE PRESIDENT: Good evening. Tonight in Iraq,
the Armed Forces of the United
States are engaged in a struggle that will
determine the direction of the
global war on terror -- and our safety here at
home. The new strategy I
outline tonight will change America's course in
Iraq, and help us succeed in
the fight against terror.
When I addressed you just over a year ago,
nearly 12 million Iraqis had cast
their ballots for a unified and democratic
nation. The elections of 2005
were a stunning achievement. We thought that
these elections would bring the
Iraqis together, and that as we trained Iraqi
security forces we could
accomplish our mission with fewer American
troops.
But in 2006, the opposite happened. The violence
in Iraq -- particularly in
Baghdad -- overwhelmed the political gains the
Iraqis had made. Al Qaeda
terrorists and Sunni insurgents recognized the
mortal danger that Iraq's
elections posed for their cause, and they
responded with outrageous acts of
murder aimed at innocent Iraqis. They blew up
one of the holiest shrines in
Shia Islam -- the Golden Mosque of Samarra -- in
a calculated effort to
provoke Iraq's Shia population to retaliate.
Their strategy worked. Radical
Shia elements, some supported by Iran, formed
death squads. And the result
was a vicious cycle of sectarian violence that
continues today.
The situation in Iraq is unacceptable to the
American people -- and it is
unacceptable to me. Our troops in Iraq have
fought bravely. They have done
everything we have asked them to do. Where
mistakes have been made, the
responsibility rests with me.
It is clear that we need to change our strategy
in Iraq. So my national
security team, military commanders, and
diplomats conducted a comprehensive
review. We consulted members of Congress from
both parties, our allies
abroad, and distinguished outside experts. We
benefitted from the thoughtful
recommendations of the Iraq Study Group, a
bipartisan panel led by former
Secretary of State James Baker and former
Congressman Lee Hamilton. In our
discussions, we all agreed that there is no
magic formula for success in
Iraq. And one message came through loud and
clear: Failure in Iraq would be
a disaster for the United States.
The consequences of failure are clear: Radical
Islamic extremists would grow
in strength and gain new recruits. They would be
in a better position to
topple moderate governments, create chaos in the
region, and use oil
revenues to fund their ambitions. Iran would be
emboldened in its pursuit of
nuclear weapons. Our enemies would have a safe
haven from which to plan and
launch attacks on the American people. On
September the 11th, 2001, we saw
what a refuge for extremists on the other side
of the world could bring to
the streets of our own cities. For the safety of
our people, America must
succeed in Iraq.
The most urgent priority for success in Iraq is
security, especially in
Baghdad. Eighty percent of Iraq's sectarian
violence occurs within 30 miles
of the capital. This violence is splitting
Baghdad into sectarian enclaves,
and shaking the confidence of all Iraqis. Only
Iraqis can end the sectarian
violence and secure their people. And their
government has put forward an
aggressive plan to do it.
Our past efforts to secure Baghdad failed for
two principal reasons: There
were not enough Iraqi and American troops to
secure neighborhoods that had
been cleared of terrorists and insurgents. And
there were too many
restrictions on the troops we did have. Our
military commanders reviewed the
new Iraqi plan to ensure that it addressed these
mistakes. They report that
it does. They also report that this plan can
work.
Now let me explain the main elements of this
effort: The Iraqi government
will appoint a military commander and two deputy
commanders for their
capital. The Iraqi government will deploy Iraqi
Army and National Police
brigades across Baghdad's nine districts. When
these forces are fully
deployed, there will be 18 Iraqi Army and
National Police brigades committed
to this effort, along with local police. These
Iraqi forces will operate
from local police stations -- conducting patrols
and setting up checkpoints,
and going door-to-door to gain the trust of
Baghdad residents.
This is a strong commitment. But for it to
succeed, our commanders say the
Iraqis will need our help. So America will
change our strategy to help the
Iraqis carry out their campaign to put down
sectarian violence and bring
security to the people of Baghdad. This will
require increasing American
force levels. So I've committed more than 20,000
additional American troops
to Iraq. The vast majority of them -- five
brigades -- will be deployed to
Baghdad. These troops will work alongside Iraqi
units and be embedded in
their formations. Our troops will have a
well-defined mission: to help
Iraqis clear and secure neighborhoods, to help
them protect the local
population, and to help ensure that the Iraqi
forces left behind are capable
of providing the security that Baghdad needs.
Many listening tonight will ask why this effort
will succeed when previous
operations to secure Baghdad did not. Well, here
are the differences: In
earlier operations, Iraqi and American forces
cleared many neighborhoods of
terrorists and insurgents, but when our forces
moved on to other targets,
the killers returned. This time, we'll have the
force levels we need to hold
the areas that have been cleared. In earlier
operations, political and
sectarian interference prevented Iraqi and
American forces from going into
neighborhoods that are home to those fueling the
sectarian violence. This
time, Iraqi and American forces will have a
green light to enter those
neighborhoods -- and Prime Minister Maliki has
pledged that political or
sectarian interference will not be tolerated.
I've made it clear to the Prime Minister and
Iraq's other leaders that
America's commitment is not open-ended. If the
Iraqi government does not
follow through on its promises, it will lose the
support of the American
people -- and it will lose the support of the
Iraqi people. Now is the time
to act. The Prime Minister understands this.
Here is what he told his people
just last week: "The Baghdad security plan will
not provide a safe haven for
any outlaws, regardless of [their] sectarian or
political affiliation."
This new strategy will not yield an immediate
end to suicide bombings,
assassinations, or IED attacks. Our enemies in
Iraq will make every effort
to ensure that our television screens are filled
with images of death and
suffering. Yet over time, we can expect to see
Iraqi troops chasing down
murderers, fewer brazen acts of terror, and
growing trust and cooperation
from Baghdad's residents. When this happens,
daily life will improve, Iraqis
will gain confidence in their leaders, and the
government will have the
breathing space it needs to make progress in
other critical areas. Most of
Iraq's Sunni and Shia want to live together in
peace -- and reducing the
violence in Baghdad will help make
reconciliation possible.
A successful strategy for Iraq goes beyond
military operations. Ordinary
Iraqi citizens must see that military operations
are accompanied by visible
improvements in their neighborhoods and
communities. So America will hold
the Iraqi government to the benchmarks it has
announced.
To establish its authority, the Iraqi government
plans to take
responsibility for security in all of Iraq's
provinces by November. To give
every Iraqi citizen a stake in the country's
economy, Iraq will pass
legislation to share oil revenues among all
Iraqis. To show that it is
committed to delivering a better life, the Iraqi
government will spend $10
billion of its own money on reconstruction and
infrastructure projects that
will create new jobs. To empower local leaders,
Iraqis plan to hold
provincial elections later this year. And to
allow more Iraqis to re-enter
their nation's political life, the government
will reform de-Baathification
laws, and establish a fair process for
considering amendments to Iraq's
constitution.
America will change our approach to help the
Iraqi government as it works to
meet these benchmarks. In keeping with the
recommendations of the Iraq Study
Group, we will increase the embedding of
American advisers in Iraqi Army
units, and partner a coalition brigade with
every Iraqi Army division. We
will help the Iraqis build a larger and
better-equipped army, and we will
accelerate the training of Iraqi forces, which
remains the essential U.S.
security mission in Iraq. We will give our
commanders and civilians greater
flexibility to spend funds for economic
assistance. We will double the
number of provincial reconstruction teams. These
teams bring together
military and civilian experts to help local
Iraqi communities pursue
reconciliation, strengthen the moderates, and
speed the transition to Iraqi
self-reliance. And Secretary Rice will soon
appoint a reconstruction
coordinator in Baghdad to ensure better results
for economic assistance
being spent in Iraq.
As we make these changes, we will continue to
pursue al Qaeda and foreign
fighters. Al Qaeda is still active in Iraq. Its
home base is Anbar Province.
Al Qaeda has helped make Anbar the most violent
area of Iraq outside the
capital. A captured al Qaeda document describes
the terrorists' plan to
infiltrate and seize control of the province.
This would bring al Qaeda
closer to its goals of taking down Iraq's
democracy, building a radical
Islamic empire, and launching new attacks on the
United States at home and
abroad.
Our military forces in Anbar are killing and
capturing al Qaeda leaders, and
they are protecting the local population.
Recently, local tribal leaders
have begun to show their willingness to take on
al Qaeda. And as a result,
our commanders believe we have an opportunity to
deal a serious blow to the
terrorists. So I have given orders to increase
American forces in Anbar
Province by 4,000 troops. These troops will work
with Iraqi and tribal
forces to keep up the pressure on the
terrorists. America's men and women in
uniform took away al Qaeda's safe haven in
Afghanistan -- and we will not
allow them to re-establish it in Iraq.
Succeeding in Iraq also requires defending its
territorial integrity and
stabilizing the region in the face of extremist
challenges. This begins with
addressing Iran and Syria. These two regimes are
allowing terrorists and
insurgents to use their territory to move in and
out of Iraq. Iran is
providing material support for attacks on
American troops. We will disrupt
the attacks on our forces. We'll interrupt the
flow of support from Iran and
Syria. And we will seek out and destroy the
networks providing advanced
weaponry and training to our enemies in Iraq.
We're also taking other steps to bolster the
security of Iraq and protect
American interests in the Middle East. I
recently ordered the deployment of
an additional carrier strike group to the
region. We will expand
intelligence-sharing and deploy Patriot air
defense systems to reassure our
friends and allies. We will work with the
governments of Turkey and Iraq to
help them resolve problems along their border.
And we will work with others
to prevent Iran from gaining nuclear weapons and
dominating the region.
We will use America's full diplomatic resources
to rally support for Iraq
from nations throughout the Middle East.
Countries like Saudi Arabia, Egypt,
Jordan, and the Gulf States need to understand
that an American defeat in
Iraq would create a new sanctuary for extremists
and a strategic threat to
their survival. These nations have a stake in a
successful Iraq that is at
peace with its neighbors, and they must step up
their support for Iraq's
unity government. We endorse the Iraqi
government's call to finalize an
International Compact that will bring new
economic assistance in exchange
for greater economic reform. And on Friday,
Secretary Rice will leave for
the region, to build support for Iraq and
continue the urgent diplomacy
required to help bring peace to the Middle East.
The challenge playing out across the broader
Middle East is more than a
military conflict. It is the decisive
ideological struggle of our time. On
one side are those who believe in freedom and
moderation. On the other side
are extremists who kill the innocent, and have
declared their intention to
destroy our way of life. In the long run, the
most realistic way to protect
the American people is to provide a hopeful
alternative to the hateful
ideology of the enemy, by advancing liberty
across a troubled region. It is
in the interests of the United States to stand
with the brave men and women
who are risking their lives to claim their
freedom, and to help them as they
work to raise up just and hopeful societies
across the Middle East.
>From Afghanistan to Lebanon to the Palestinian
Territories, millions of
>ordinary people are sick of the violence, and
want a future of peace
>and opportunity for their children. And they
are looking at Iraq. They
>want to know: Will America withdraw and yield
the future of that
>country to the extremists, or will we stand
with the Iraqis who have
>made the choice for freedom?
The changes I have outlined tonight are aimed at
ensuring the survival of a
young democracy that is fighting for its life in
a part of the world of
enormous importance to American security. Let me
be clear: The terrorists
and insurgents in Iraq are without conscience,
and they will make the year
ahead bloody and violent. Even if our new
strategy works exactly as planned,
deadly acts of violence will continue -- and we
must expect more Iraqi and
American casualties. The question is whether our
new strategy will bring us
closer to success. I believe that it will.
Victory will not look like the ones our fathers
and grandfathers achieved.
There will be no surrender ceremony on the deck
of a battleship. But victory
in Iraq will bring something new in the Arab
world -- a functioning
democracy that polices its territory, upholds
the rule of law, respects
fundamental human liberties, and answers to its
people. A democratic Iraq
will not be perfect. But it will be a country
that fights terrorists instead
of harboring them -- and it will help bring a
future of peace and security
for our children and our grandchildren.
This new approach comes after consultations with
Congress about the
different courses we could take in Iraq. Many
are concerned that the Iraqis
are becoming too dependent on the United States,
and therefore, our policy
should focus on protecting Iraq's borders and
hunting down al Qaeda. Their
solution is to scale back America's efforts in
Baghdad -- or announce the
phased withdrawal of our combat forces. We
carefully considered these
proposals. And we concluded that to step back
now would force a collapse of
the Iraqi government, tear the country apart,
and result in mass killings on
an unimaginable scale. Such a scenario would
result in our troops being
forced to stay in Iraq even longer, and confront
an enemy that is even more
lethal. If we increase our support at this
crucial moment, and help the
Iraqis break the current cycle of violence, we
can hasten the day our troops
begin coming home.
In the days ahead, my national security team
will fully brief Congress on
our new strategy. If members have improvements
that can be made, we will
make them. If circumstances change, we will
adjust. Honorable people have
different views, and they will voice their
criticisms. It is fair to hold
our views up to scrutiny. And all involved have
a responsibility to explain
how the path they propose would be more likely
to succeed.
Acting on the good advice of Senator Joe
Lieberman and other key members of
Congress, we will form a new, bipartisan working
group that will help us
come together across party lines to win the war
on terror. This group will
meet regularly with me and my administration; it
will help strengthen our
relationship with Congress. We can begin by
working together to increase the
size of the active Army and Marine Corps, so
that America has the Armed
Forces we need for the 21st century. We also
need to examine ways to
mobilize talented American civilians to deploy
overseas, where they can help
build democratic institutions in communities and
nations recovering from war
and tyranny.
In these dangerous times, the United States is
blessed to have extraordinary
and selfless men and women willing to step
forward and defend us. These
young Americans understand that our cause in
Iraq is noble and necessary --
and that the advance of freedom is the calling
of our time. They serve far
from their families, who make the quiet
sacrifices of lonely holidays and
empty chairs at the dinner table. They have
watched their comrades give
their lives to ensure our liberty. We mourn the
loss of every fallen
American -- and we owe it to them to build a
future worthy of their
sacrifice.
Fellow citizens: The year ahead will demand more
patience, sacrifice, and
resolve. It can be tempting to think that
America can put aside the burdens
of freedom. Yet times of testing reveal the
character of a nation. And
throughout our history, Americans have always
defied the pessimists and seen
our faith in freedom redeemed. Now America is
engaged in a new struggle that
will set the course for a new century. We can,
and we will, prevail.
We go forward with trust that the Author of
Liberty will guide us through
these trying hours. Thank you and good night.
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